Effect of Turkeys Integration into The EU on the Migration Policies

Introduction Turkey’s intent of joining the European Union has a long history. The country applied for Associate Membership in 1959, two years after the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), which was the precedent of the European Union (EU) formation. The EEC formed an association agreement with Turkey three years later in 1963, which was known as the Ankara Agreement.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Effect of Turkey’s Integration into The EU on the Migration Policies specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Among the goals of the agreement was the formation of a customs union with the EEC before 1995, a step that would facilitate Turkey becoming a full member of the EU. However, there was no definite time set for the country to join the EU (Sulamaa Widgrà ©n 2). In 1996, the EU came to an agreement that Turkey would join the EU’s customs union. However, the agreement covers a limite d number of goods; it covers only industrial products and processed agricultural goods (Sulamaa Widgrà ©n 2). Up to date, the country is yet to become a full member of the EU. The intent of the country to join the EU has been very controversial and has elicited widespread debate among the EU member countries. Turkey’s migration Turkey’s migration policy is mainly influenced by several factors; in fact, Turkey has been traditionally known as a country of emigration. During the 1960s and 1970s, many Turkish nationals migrated to other western European countries such as West Germany. However, Turkey has recently become a transit country of other migrants into Europe. Most of the migrants are irregular and mainly come from the Central Asian countries such as Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan. The country is also a destination of most irregular immigrants from the former soviet countries (Kirisci, 2003). Germany has by far the largest number of Turkish imm igrants. However, after joining the EU the free migration of the Turks into other EU countries is expected to increase the number of Turkish immigrants in Germany to 3.5 million (Flam 15).Advertising Looking for essay on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The illegal migration from the Caucasus (central Asia and Middle East countries) usually poses a security threat to the residents of both Turkey and the European Union. However, some parties believe that the number of illegal migrants from the Caucasus would reduce if Turkey were allowed into the European (Hug 15). This would mainly be because Turkey’s integration into the EU would have significant economic benefits to the country, thereby reducing the number of immigrants who illegally migrate to EU in search of better economic opportunities. The current adjusted per capita income in the EU is far much greater than that of Turkey. In fact, the PP P – adjusted per capita income of the EU – is more than three times than that of the EU. However, economic conditions of entry of the country into the EU will make it catch up with per capita of the EU, albeit after several years (Flam 12). Upon entry of Turkey into the EU, large-scale immigration from the country is expected to cause several problems in the other EU countries. The EU-15 is of concerned by the possibility that the immigrants will lead to the reduction of wages, increase unemployment and cause social and political tensions in the EU. This will at the same time, lead to an increase in wage level in Turkey, greatly benefiting the residents (Lejour, de Mooij Capel 11). However, the effect of the large-scale immigration from Turkey is not expected to have significant impact upon entry of the country into the EU. This is due to the fact that the EU member countries can restrict immigration of citizens of new member countries for a period of up to seven year s during the transition period. In fact, this transition restriction has been applied to other countries that have joined the EU recently with notable examples being Greece, Portugal, and Spain (Flam 13). Similar restrictions are expected to be imposed to the country upon entry into the EU to avoid destabilization of the EU and to help the EU and Turkey in adapting to the conditions. Turkey’s Migration policies Turkey is a country that has among the most conservative policies to regulate settlement of foreigners and asylum seekers in the country. Turkey’s Law of settlement passed in 1934 was used by the country to cater for the large number of expulsions of Turks into other countries.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Effect of Turkey’s Integration into The EU on the Migration Policies specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The law facilitated the settlement of people of Turkish background who were spread throughout the central Asia, Middle East, Nazi Germany, and other parts of Europe from settling into the country. In addition, the law facilitated the accelerated citizenship of the people while offering Land or loan to the migrants. A large number of the beneficiaries of this law were Turks who were from Greece and Bulgaria (Tolay-Sargnon 6). During the Nazi Germany, a large number people who did not have Turkish origin were also given residency as they were fleeing from the persecutions by the Nazis. After the tragic effects of Europe during this period, Turkey adopted the Geneva Convention regarding the status of refugees in 1951. The Convention indicated that refugees will only be accepted temporarily and would have to come from European countries. By signing the convention, Turkey added â€Å"refugees† into the legal category of migrants. However, with time, the category has included other people due to the development in the world and the increase in the number o f people who are moving from one country to another. These include tourists, international students, and temporary migrant workers (Tolay-Sargnon 7). Turkey now copes with large numbers of migrants of non-Turkish origin whose classification is difficult to make. Most of these migrants are seeking asylum but do not come from Europe, hence cannot befit from being given the refugee status according to the Geneva Convention. Most of the migrants usually use Turkey a transit point into other European countries, as entry into the country – legally or illegally – is easier compared to the other European countries. However, upon entry into the country, these people find it difficult to enter the European countries. Most of these migrants are petty traders from the former Soviet countries and are considered illegal by the Turkish authorities (Tolay-Sargnon 8s). The survival of this migrant group is usually left to themselves, the local Turkish population, and many other NGOs wh o offer services to the migrants. This usually exposes the migrants to abuses and makes most of them to live under very difficult conditions. However, lack of funds for administration of the migrants makes it difficult for the government to arrest, detain, or deport the migrants.Advertising Looking for essay on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More This has mainly facilitated inclusion of clauses such as â€Å"temporary guests† in the immigration policy of the country to facilitate settlement of certain groups of people without making legislature changes (Tolay-Sargnon 9). This has made the country not to have any immigration crisis. However, the large number of illegal immigrant in the country poses problems in the EU-Turkey relations. EU view Turkey’s immigration policy of non-regulation negatively as it creates uncontrollable illegal immigration and human trafficking. Turkey’s immigration policy is generally different from that of the EU, which seeks to control people who are entering the EU (Tolay-Sargnon 11). The EU is concerned about the immigration policies of Turkey due to several reasons. There has generally been a migrant influx into Turkey. Turkey had to provide shelter to the Iraqi civilians who have fled during the multiple crises, which have happened in the country. Another reason that has le d to the interest of the EU in the immigration policies of the country is due to the increase in the number of illegal immigrants into the EU, most of who are from Turkey or use the country as their transit location into the EU. The illegal immigrants pose different problems to the EU and thus making it to take measures to address the problems of the immigration policies of Turkey as its integration into the EU is bound to cause different (Tolay-Sargnon 12). The EU mainly uses criticism of the immigration policies and practices. However, after the recognition of Turkey as a viable candidate for integration into the EU, the EU has used more active and technical cooperation to help in solving the immigration issues which the country faces (Tolay-Sargnon 13). The major aim of the cooperation is to help in the harmonization of the immigration policies of the country with that of the EU, pending integration into the union. Most of the changes that require technical and administrative cha nges have already been implemented by the country. However, not all the changes have been effected as some of the changes go against the traditional roles of the country as a sovereign state. According to Turkey’s National Program for the Acquisition of the Acquis (NPAA) of 2001 and 2003, the government put upon itself an obligation to undertake a wide range of policy reforms on the management of its borders. The policy changes would overhaul the asylum, immigration and visa policies to ensure that they are harmonized with those of the EU. Through the NPAA, Turkey promised to lift the limitation of entry of migrants into the country. However, Turkey requires that the EU should share the burden (material) of implementation of the policy and protect the country from mass influx of refugees into the country (Kirisci 3). In this case, year 2012 was proposed as the deadline for putting up necessary infrastructure to facilitate the changes before the initiation of the legislative p rocess. This has facilitated the introduction of several measures to improve Turkey’s asylum policy. However, the reforms undertaken by the country have not been able to form an administrative and legal capacity to handle people from outside Europe who may seek asylum in the country. This has resulted in a deadlock between the EU and Turkey on the issue of asylum (Kirisci 3). Due to the fact that most of the illegal immigrants into Europe use Turkey as a transit route, the EU has proposed that upon integration of the country into the EU, any illegal immigrant should be deported back to Turkey. Turkey would then have to deport the immigrants to their home countries. Turkey has vehemently objected to this idea, resulting into major disagreements between the EU and Turkey (Kirisci 4). Moreover, Turkey has introduced several legislative and administrative measures to help in the combat of the illegal transit migration and human trafficking. The visa policies of Turkey have also d rawn wide criticism from the EU due to their flexibility and falling short of the EU standards. The visa policies provide a category of immigrants from certain countries whose residents can stay in the country for a predetermined period, usually three moths, without having to obtain a visa. The policy also specifies certain countries whose nationals must first obtain visas prior to entering the country. However, the practice which has attracted widespread criticism by the EU member countries is the Turkey’s practice of issuing Visas at the frontier in return for a fee which varies from country to country, a practice known as â€Å"sticker visa† (Kirisci 5). Conclusion Harmonization of the immigration policies with that of the EU has been faced with so much resistance by Turkey. This is mainly due to the fact that the citizens or the parliament is not involved in the harmonization of the policies. Instead, the process involves mainly officials from the Ministry of Forei gn Affairs, the Ministry of the Interior, the military and the police (Kirisci 6). These officials report directly to the prime minister, thus showing that the government regards the integration into the EU very highly (Alessandri 8) In addition the resistance is due to the burden sharing of the harmonization of the immigration policies with EU. Due to strategic location of the country, integration of the immigration policies with those of the EU makes the country at risk of becoming a buffer zone or a dumping ground of the asylum seekers and refugees who the EU does not want (Kirisci 7). Works Cited Alessandri, Emiliano. The New Turkish Foreign Policy and the Future of Turkey-EU Relations. Rome: Instituto Affari Internazionali. 2010. 18 February 2011. http://www.iai.it/pdf/DocIAI/iai1003.pdf. Flam, Harry. â€Å"Turkey and the EU: Politics of Economics and Accession.† CESifo working paper no. 893. 2003. 18 February 2011. http://www.cesifo-group.de/portal/page/portal/DocBase_C ontent/WP/WP-CESifo_Working_Papers/wp-cesifo-2003/wp-cesifo-2003-03/cesifo_wp893.pdf. Hug, Adam. Turkey in Europe: The economic case for Turkish membership of the European Union. London: The Foreign Policy Centre. 2008. 18 February 2011. http://fpc.org.uk/fsblob/991.pdf. Kirisci, Kemal. Harmonisation of migration policies and Turkey’s security challenges. Istanbul: Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies. 2009. 18 February 2011. http://kms1.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/103726/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/6e7e343a-87b0-4012-bf58-f4a3ea3cfbe7/en/EDAM+Discussion+Paper-Kirisci.pdf. Kirisci, Kemal. Turkey: A Transformation from Emigration to Immigration. Center for European Studies, Bogazià §i University. 2003. 18 February 2011. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=176. Lejour, A.M. et al. Assessing the economic implications of Turkish accession to the EU. The Hague: CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis. 2004. 18 February 2011. http://www.cpb.nl/sites/default/files/publicaties/download/assessing-economic-implications-turkish-accession-eu.pdf Sulamaa, Pekka Widgrà ©n, Mika. Turkish EU membership: a simulation study on economic effects. N.d. 18 February 2011. http://www.ecomod.org/files/papers/1608.doc Tolay-Sargnon, Juliette. â€Å"Turkey’s Immigration Policy: Can EU Norms Change Turkey’s Identity?† Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association. Palmer House Hotel, Chicago, IL, Apr 12, 2007. 18 February 2011. http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p197938_index.html. 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Self-imposed medical stresses Essays

Self-imposed medical stresses Essays Self-imposed medical stresses Paper Self-imposed medical stresses Paper Essay Topic: Medical In this paper, the focus will mainly be on the medical stresses experienced in flight that are self-imposed. The effects of drugs and alcohol on the ability to make decisions will also be discussed. Most pilots experience medical stresses during flight but the most surprising thing is that they could have avoided this complications. The reasons that one exposes him or herself to such situations differ depending on the individual but the end result is the same: putting lives in danger. The common mistake done by the pilots is taking on a very heavy workload and then using stimulants to help them cope. The body takes care of itself naturally but when placed in an environment where it cannot do this it becomes unable to function properly. To deal with this, pilots tend to use stimulants which are a short time remedy. This tends to very dangerous for them and their clients or co-workers yet it can be avoided. The other problem is that they self-diagnose, treat and prescribe for themselves medication that may not be appropriate for their working conditions. In the book â€Å"Basic Flight Physiology† (Reinhart R. O. 1996), the author discusses different scenarios that a pilot can find him or herself in that can affect the physiological balance causing malfunctions of the body and brain. In chapter 9 of the book, he starts with an example of Joe whose lack of sleep coupled with the use of coffee and cigarettes almost causes him to have an accident. He is impaired due to the overuse of the body beyond its normal capacity and hence the body rebels. He acknowledges that some conditions are caused by environmental factors but that some are man-made. It is important to note that the flight environment is different from the ground environment and hence medication that can be used safely while on the ground may have a different effect when used in a flight environment causing self-imposed medical stresses. These can be summed up in the acronym DEATH (Drugs Exhaustion Alcohol Tobacco and Hypoglycemia). Although there are other causes of stress like problematic relationships, these are the major ones. The effects of the use and presence of any of these factors depends on an individual and this leads to controversy over how much they affect the physiological wellbeing of a pilot.

The Gravedigger's Daughter Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Gravedigger's Daughter - Essay Example That was a grim challenge to the former high school teacher, to assist the coffins to take a restful sleep. But for the daring daughter Rebecca, it was not the end of the road, but the beginning of the efforts to scale new heights in life, under the most trying circumstances the girl of her age could think of. Even while dealing the mounds of earth, her father had not lost the intellectual fire of the teaching fraternity. But by nature he was cruel, finding it extremely difficult to cope up with the destined circumstances. He cautioned his daughter about which Joyce Carol Oates writes, (2007, p.186)"You-you are born here. They will not hurt you." She was the only member of the family born in America and therefore, the lawful citizen of the country. She proved worthy of her heartfelt desire to be part of the American triumph. Leaving behind the grim situation of the family, she lived life in its trials, tribulations, duty and beauty to come to terms with her life. In every stage of li fe, at every time, she faced difficulties/tragedies that would shatter any individual. The path she chose to tread was not the rosy one; it was emotionally engaging and intellectually provocative. It was a fascinating mirror of humanity, and an individual, who was orphaned as a teenager, challenging to cross the ocean through a rudderless boat! Her past was her greatest liability to meet the challenges of the future. But she had no powers to undo it, but she was certainly not inclined to carry the ghosts, neither wanted societal pity nor the condemnation! Her past haunted her like the dark ghost. As she attained the status of a married woman and motherhood, recollection of her father’s prophetic words continued to knock at the portals of her mind. â€Å"In animal life the weak are quickly disposed of. So you must hide your weakness, Rebecca."(p.113) Childhood abuses on development of woman’s identity are intense, and that wound may be possible to hide, but it will nev er heal. The shadows of the past will follow such an individual and part of one’s memory zone will retain them permanently. A series of challenges had engulfed her life—the youngest child of an impoverished German Jewish immigrant family, --ill-tempered, imbalanced, violent father, mother suffering from mental disorders, two insensitive older brothers who showed callous disregard for her well-being and finally witness the murder of her mother and suicide of her father. Violence and alcoholism were the other negative traits of the family that Rebecca had to put up with. --with the cumulative effect of all these ‘calamities’ any one would turn cynical and think that the whole world is ignoble!—but not Rebecca! She tries to find her elusive peace, and reinvent her identity with her total commitment to her child’s wellbeing. She wants to keep the dark memories of her past a well-guarded secret. The end of one misery leads to another calamity and she literally jumps from the frying pan to the fire itself. Nature releases her sufferings in installments and her cup of sorrow is ever brimming without any letup. After escaping almost being killed by her father, she marries a beer salesman, Niles Tignor, who also turns out to be physically abusive. He nearly beats her to death; she escapes with her son Zacharias. She finds support with an old man Chet Gallagher, who recognizes her son’s latent musical genius. But the original question of her life, remains the original question—how to reconcile with the past, and whether reconciliation

Family Law Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Family Law - Case Study Example At the outset, Derek needs to realise that cohabiting does not have certain legal rights the way marriage or civil partnerships do. Thus, Saadya death implies that Derek will not just inherit anything automatically, but only those assets the two owned jointly (Herring, 2011, p. 80). S. 2(2) of Law Reform (Succession) Act 1995 allows claims by the surviving cohabiting partner, if the cohabitation has lasted for an uninterrupted period of no less than two years prior to the other cohabitant death. Additionally, cohabitants do not possess rights when it comes to intestacy based on Administration of Estates Act 1925, and as such, when one partner dies and leaving a will behind, then that partner property will pass on, in accord with the stipulations on the will. In this case, the will still remains valid since Sadya and Derek did not enter into a marriage or a civil partnership so as to revoke the will. However, Derek can still apply for consideration in the estate of his deceased cohabitant. Nonetheless, Derek rights are next to nil, as he will not automatically accede to everything. The law states that everything will be executed according to the valid will, and as such, most of Sadya assets will go to her estate and siblings, instead of Derek automatically. Moreover, Derek cannot be able to apply as an overseer of Sadya estate as he is not considered a relative (Probert & Blanpain, 2011, p. 109). Likewise, the surviving cohabiting partner is to a lesser degree well positioned than a marriage spouse, in claiming beneficial interest, when it comes to property which is registered in the sole name of his partner, as reiterated in James v Thomas [2007] EWCA Civ 1212. When it comes to the house, it is considered as typical rule of contract, pas sage, equity and trusts, and does not make a variation between married and unmarried couples, as stated in court cases Pettit v Pettit [1970] AC 777, and that of Gissing v Gissing [1971] AC 886. Accordingly, since the house is under a tenant in common ownership, Derek and Sadya do not have equal rights to that home. That is why the 75% house ownership will pass to Sadya estate as stated in the will (Burton, 2012, p. 198). The fact that Sadya transferred the house into their joint names holding as tenants in common, with Sadya owning 75% and Derek owning 25%, this fulfils the condition of conveyance towards joint names of cohabiting couple, with clear declaration of their individual beneficial interests (Stack v Dowden [2007] 1 FLR 1858). However, given that they have a son, Derek can ask the court based on s.30 of Family Law Act 1996, to transfer the property into his name under occupancy rights. But, the court will allow this only when it observes that, it will be in the best inter ests of Kane. Anything else registered under Sadya sole name, implies that Derek will not claim any beneficial interest in that property. The law is clear that when an unmarried cohabiting partner dies, the other partner will not just simply inherit their partner assets, acquire a portion of their partner finances, or even pension automatically without a will. Therefore, even though Derek has an unlimited access to money in their joint savings accounts, in which both of them contributed money under their joint names, he has no right to access money in Sadya separate bank accounts. Furthermore, the balance in such accounts will be the property of Sadya estate, and which cannot be accessed until the estate is fully settled. Nevertheless, a percentage of the savings will be considered when calculating the value of the estate. Any savings from housekeeping money will belong to the person who provided the money (Burton, 2012, p. 200). When it comes to provisions of occupational plus pers onal pensions for Derek and his son, this will depend on the regulations of Sadya scheme. This is because a cohabitant partner cannot depend upon his or her deceased partner contributions, for the intentions of

Australia Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Australia - Essay Example They were thought to have arrived here from the South East Asia during the last ice age. The belief is that the aboriginals numbered at least one million and scatter across 300 clans with at least 250 languages and 700 dialects between them. Due to the relatively dry environment of the country, the aboriginals were forced to become nomadic tribes traveling on a quest of trade, finding water, and food. Australia was founded in unforgiving territory. Stemming from the outback desserts, tropical rain forests, and snow capped mountains, the early aboriginals believe in the myth that the totemic spirits ancestors are all connected to nature, the past, present, and future (â€Å"Australias History†). This was the state of Australia before the British colonized the land for their own means. It was Captain James Cook who in the 17th century chartered the east coast in the name of Britain. When he first landed on Australian soil, the continent was recognized by most sailors as New Holland. Britain was more than happy to claim the land because its location made it perfect to use as a penal colony. As a new outpost, the penal colony came into being on January 26 1788 with the first British inhabitants alighting in Australia. A fleet of 11 ships carried 1.500 people with more than half of them being convicts. By 1868 it is believed that at least 160,000 men and women had settled in Australia as convicts being punished or banished by Britain. Of course life was different for the free settlers who came in during the 1790s. The convicts were constant under threat of losing their lives in the harsh conditions and even harsher treatment from the officers of the colony. Suffering alongside the convicts were the aboriginals who were displaced, their lands, stolen, and their tradit ional lifestyle and practices no longer fitting into the new world of Australia as

The Concept Of The Imperial Presidency

The Concept Of The Imperial Presidency It was historian Arthur M. Schlesinger who popularised the term imperial presidency to describe the evolution of the modern day president. Schlesinger contended that expansion and abuses of the presidential office were so profound by 1972, they had thwarted the traditional checks and balances of the constitutional system. He concluded the imperial presidency emerged due to the aggregation of presidential war powers that were primarily acquired in response to Americas participation in twentieth century wars. Schlesinger connected the presidencys usurpation of foreign policy to the accumulation of domestic powers, stressing that the war powers and executive secrecy were two significant devices which gave rise to the misuse of power by presidents.  [4]  He also reflected a growing belief that the evolution of the presidency had permanently transformed the balance of power; resulting in an extremely powerful president and a resident Congress in the decision-making arena.  [5]   Until recently, many commentators widely regarded that the Nixon administration represented the true singular embodiment of the imperial presidency.  [6]  More than three decades later, the notions of the imperial presidency has once again resurfaced. Many scholars, including Schlesinger himself, observe that the imperial presidency has been revived under the Bush administration,  [7]  and given further vigour under the leadership of President Obama.  [8]  But how authentic is this approach in understanding presidential power in decision-making today? How much utility is there in Schlesingers concept of an imperial presidency? Is it the case as Schlesinger suggests, the modern day president is out of control, operating beyond the constitutional parameters and in clear defiance of the doctrine of separation of powers. THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY REBORN The starting point of this paper is recognition of Schlesingers imperial presidency, and that it was restored to former prominence under the presidency of George W. Bush. However, this paper makes a distinction between the usurpation of power and the abuse of power.  [9]  Unlike presidents who temporarily assumed power in times of war, we argue like Nixon, Bush abused power by claiming a near absolution of power to be the enduring prerogative of the presidency.  [10]  Presidents such as Lincoln, FDR, and Truman, it is argued, momentarily usurped power anticipating Congress would hold them to account after the wartime emergency ended.  [11]  It is in this distinction that we argue makes the presidency of George W. Bush an imperial presidency. By actively trying to keep a monopoly of constitutional power, it continuously relied on powers beyond those vested in the executive by the Constitution, and often unilaterally of Congress. THE NEW IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY The imperial presidency of George W. Bush was constructed and enforced by Vice-President Cheney and his chief legal advisor Addington, given legal veneer by Deputy Assistant Attorney General Yoo, endorsed by White House Counsel and later Attorney General Gonzales.  [12]   This paper also makes a distinction between the imperial presidency under Nixon and the imperial presidency under Bush. A drawback of Schlesingers approach is that his theory emphasises the abuse of power by the individual in the office, the president. Qualifying his theory, we argue that it was not an imperial presidency but an imperial vice-presidency. There is insurmountable amount of evidence suggesting Vice-President Dick Cheney was the chief architect  [13]  behind the concept of broad-based, unreviewable, and secret presidential powers  [14]  that gave further projection to the unitary executive legal theories.  [15]  These legal theories, advocated by Cheney,  [16]  were depended upon frequently and in various contexts by the Bush administration to justify their assault on individual liberties and other intrusions of the American constitution.  [17]   However, it is clear from the opening sentence of Article II, the Constitution vests the entire executive power in the president and not the vice-president;  [18]  a point illustrated by President Trumans Oval Office desk plate, which read, the buck stops here.  [19]  Reflecting this point, Clinton Rossiter described the presidency as a one man jobwhocan never escape making the final decisions in which the public and Constitution hold him responsible.  [20]  To make sense of Bushs presidency, this paper argues that the Bush administration was a victim of what Janis termed Groupthink.  [21]  Applying Janiss hypothesis, an example of the influence of groupthink can be found in the Bush administrations decision to pursue an invasion of Iraq.  [22]  According to former Pentagon analyst Karen Kwiatwoski, there was a groupthink style of environment throughout the executive hierarchy, which blindly sought for the agreement to invade Bagdad.  [23]  Theses neoconservat ive executives formed a royal court around Bush, and by controlling the type and supply of information they were able to shape and influence his knowledge, to such an extent, it could be argued they were making presidential decisions on behalf of the president. Bush was simply a string-puppet, who was directed ironically by the men whom he led. For example, in a press conference in 2002, President Bush was asked what he was doing to capture Osama Bin Laden, an individual in his conviction to be the Americas most notorious enemy. Bush responded, You know, I just dont spend much time on him.  [24]  This perhaps explains why President Bush and Congress rushed into war before a broad-based coalition of allies could be formed. In this sense, Congress and the American public also became victims of groupthink, as they too were persuaded by highly misleading information. Therefore, it was not just an imperial vice-presidency but an imperial executive presidency, where power was being ab used by a number of executive individuals.  [25]   REINING IN THE EXECUTIVE Schlesingers approach in understanding the charges of a too powerful president is useful. Although, its utility of the great man perspective is restrictive and misleading at the same time when trying to understand the true nature and power of the presidency in the decision-making process. Despite operating under similar conditions, it is arguable that the current Obama administration no longer enjoys the vast amount of executive power, which was expanded and abused under the Bush administration. A similar argument can be drawn when analyzing Bushs two-term presidency. As the presidency entered into its final bout, with the political, media and public attention transferring to the presidential candidates, the Bush presidency became somewhat lame duck,  [26]  whose authority and influence had been curtailed extensively. Therefore, a distinction can be made between Bushs first and second term. It is evident that in his first term, the Bush administration acquired a vast amount of executive authority, which allowed them to dictate American foreign policy. However, this is not a new phenomenon. Wildavskys Two Presidency theory suggests that the president wears two hats, enjoying more freedom in foreign affairs.  [27]  Qualifying his theory, we argue that the Bush administrations ability to act unilaterally in this domain had a spill-over effect, which soon began to pervade and embolden the domestic presidency as well. This gave rise to Schlesingers revolutionary presidenc y;  [28]  the Bush administration was able to change the dynamics of American democracy by creating a plebiscitary presidency  [29]  where they were only accountable during elections (ironically strengthening his presidency as he was re-elected). Moreover, by overriding the constitutional provisions of checks and balances the Bush administration became the dominate branch in the decision-making process of the American political system. However, it is arguable that towards the end of his second term the Bush administration was far more restricted and constrained, especially in relation to its domestic policy ambitions with a more assertive Congress playing a more dominant role in the decision-making process.  [30]  Even though the presidency continuously and arrogantly acted unilaterally from Congress, its scope to do so especially in the domestic arena had been heavily curtailed. We contend that the expansion of the presidency to a certain degree has been reined-in, going some way to restoring the balance of power between the president and Congress. ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES AND THE CONCEPT OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER The utility of the historical and legal approach helps us make sense of the current change in dynamics of the presidency and sheds light on how the Bush administration was able to act unilaterally in the decision-making process. This approach suggests that the aggregation of presidential power has not occurred continuously, and neither is the modern day presidency a source of permanent power that has nullified the Constitution as suggested by Schlesinger. This is because presidential power is not an attribute but a relation. The constitutional and historical legitimacy of the presidency may put any president in a privileged position in the decision-making process, but the magnitude of his power is variable as much of it exists in relation to his influence over other individuals and institutions. Therefore, we contend that presidential power at the federal level ebbs and flows: varying from one domain of political activity to another; from one circumstance to another; from one preside ncy to another; evolving gradually at times and fluctuating abruptly at other times. A prominent reason for this is because of the deliberate efforts by the Founding Fathers to stagger the constitutional powers, installed conflict into the heart of the American polity.  [31]  The vague wording of the Constitution instigates a natural invitation for struggle between the executive and legislature,  [32]  in which both institutions push the boundaries to maximize their political power. Consequently, a tug of war for influence develops between the presidency and Congress for control of the political agenda, which is more prevalent when Congress is divided, or in times of uncertainty. The historical approach does seem to suggest that a pattern exists: repeated assumptions of power in the decision-making process are followed each time by a chorus of criticism, which in return is followed by stricter congressional oversight towards presidency.  [33]  Similarly, scholarly judgments tend to reflect this cycle, although it is arguable, that these observations are somewhat exaggerated and do only reflect that period of time. For example the notions of an imperial presidency were embedded due to the fierce opposition of the Nixon presidency. Likewise, the reflections of an imperiled presidency post-Watergate were an overstated reaction to the perceived limited presidential activity in the decision-making process by Carter and Ford.  [34]  However, it is plausible based on the history of the American polity that the option is either executive supremacy or congressional supremacy. On the other hand, the concept of power suggests this does not necessarily mean that it has to be one or the other. As aforementioned above, power only exists in relation to influence, but influence is not a game of fixed sums, where one gains the other looses in the decision-making process. Similarly, the influence of both institutions is in a constant flux, forever changing in different circumstances. Therefore, it is pointless to make judgments which institution has more power at any given moment as evidence is murky. AGENDA-STRUCTURING POWERS According to C. Wright Mills, a president has more scope of influence in relation to Congress in resolving issues then introducing new issues on the political agenda. Other commentators like James Bryce make a similar distinction by arguing: In quiet times the power of the president is not great; yet in troublesome times it is otherwise, for immense responsibility is thrown on one who is both commander-in-chief and head of the civil executive.  [35]   An explanation for these phenomena can be found in the executives function to respond to unforeseen circumstances more responsively than the deliberative decision-making body of Congress. Thomas E. Cornin contends, when such events occur, the presidency is in the driving seat, especially in relation to foreign affairs. The presidency enjoys the prerogative in determining what constitutes a crisis,  [36]  and can exploit its privileged position to structure new developments to their accord. This is not to say Congress lacks the constitutional authority to intervene, rather, it often lacks the will or courage to do so.  [37]  This is because whenever a president waves the crisis flag or takes a foreign-policy initiative, in most circumstances, he is likely to have the country behind him, including influential business leaders, the media and the majority of the public.  [38]   This explains how the Bush administration was able to implement their visions of an imperial presidency. The unprecedented events of 9/11 infused Wildavskys two presidencies into one, presenting the Bush administration a blank canvas whereby they were able to structure the emergency response. More importantly, 9/11 strategically placed them at the forefront of the decision-making process in both domains. However, it is plausible the reason why Congress rubber stamped Bushs 9/11 policies, is because at the time Congress too favored a strong political response and held the commander-in-chief responsible to deliver such a response. In this sense, according to sociological approach of Mills,  [39]  the Bush administration was not exerting presidential power, but was simply reflecting the will of Congress and the American public. Bush was merely a surf-rider on the waves of international developments. Like Kennedy in the Cuban missile crisis,  [40]  the Bush administration knew it was important to act on their wishes and was conscious that an unpopular response to 9/11 would result in a backlash politically. Therefore, this approach suggests, due to the natures of emergencies, no matter who happens to be president, every incumbent is compelled to follow a course of action that most Americans and congressmen approve, purely for political opportunism and political survival. In this sense, the presidency shapes the president. On the other hand, the utility of Barbers psychological approach suggests presidents also shape presidencies.  [41]  Although presidential decisions are determined by political and other constraints largely beyond their control, the personality of the incumbent is significant in helping shape presidential decisions. Presidential decisions may be influenced by the climate of expectation and power situation,  [42]  but because they enjoy the best bully pulpit, presidents actively try to influence the public and educate them through various means into going along with what they want.  [43]  In the case of the Bush Presidency, the administration successfully manipulated both the public and Congress about the severity of threat Iraq imposed. A fundamental reason why Congress was easily tricked into war was because Congress relied heavily upon the information provided by the White House to inform them about the debate. In the domestic domain, Congress is more of an expert and c an rely upon various avenues of information to gain a better understanding. However, in foreign affairs information is more restricted and it is usually the case Congress goes along with the expertise of the executive. As the American media often failed to report accurately on the Middle East wars, focusing on rallying behind the troops, the Bush administration was in the privileged position of educating the public and Congress about Americas successful campaign against the war on terrorism. As there was no official oppositional leader to challenge Bush, his presidency was able to shape American foreign policy unilaterally, thus allowing President Bush to become an imperial president whose actions were undisputed by Congress. It was only until casualties started mounting up, that the public support started wavering. In the absence of public consensus, Congress became more assertive in relation to Bushs policies, as it became concerned about its lack of involvement in the strategy of the wars that was draining America out of its men and resources. However, by then it was all too late. For the sake of national prestige Congress was committed (as usual) to keep funding the wars which had allowed the presidency to run riot. The irony here is, although, the wars liberated the presidency from the constraints of the domestic environment, it projected the presidency into a more complex and volatile environment with multiply constraints. Once Bush committed the troops, he found it extremely difficult to pull the troops out. This meant they became part of the environmental parameters within which the Obama administration had to operate in. Again, the irony here is, rather than embolden the domestic presidency it has reversed the process and added more constraints on the Obama presidency. CONCLUSION Does the United States still have an imperial presidency? The difficulty in the answer lies with the concept. The imperial presidency still means many things to many people. The answer is further complicated as it is hard to distinguish between a strong presidency and imperial presidency. Schlesingers concept implies that the imperial presidency exists because of the presidents prerogative in foreign policy which he abuses to extend his other powers. The problem here is, because the Supreme Court rarely passes judgments in relation to presidential abuses in this domain,  [44]  we are left with political judgments from politicians and scholars that are conflicting, as there is more than one criteria to judge presidential power. It is like Michael Novak observed, the right worries about the imperial president at home; the left about the imperial president abroad.  [45]  This is evident for the Obama presidency. As he has implemented an extraordinary amount of legislation and co ntinued executive secrecy, some commentators contend that he has extended Bushs legacy.  [46]  They see his ambitious economic and social policies as unconstitutional. As aforementioned above, the modern day president is compelled for the sake of American prosperity to pursue certain kinds of economic and social policies. Just because the Obama presidency has been successful, it does not mean other actors have not have not influenced the final decision. In most of the legislation passed, Obama has had to compromise, even his national health care programme. We conclude that the seeds of an imperial presidency have always existed. However, for it to flourish there has to be a combination of men and events.  [47]  If the individual in the office does not have a sense for power and relies on the formal powers of the office then it is likely the system of checks and balances will hold firm. Similarly, extraordinary events can curtail presidential power. America recently had the diplomatic version of 9/11 with confidential cables being exposed, withdrawing even more influence from the president in decision-making power.  [48]  

Mind Deception :: Personal Narrative Abortion Descriptive Essays

Mind Deception I’m surrounded by the blatant screams of hatred as I am thrown from hand rail to hand rail on the steps of this large building. The People surrounding me are holding large signs and yelling chants as they throw trash at this structure before me. Signs scream death in red writing as if they were stabbed or ripped open like a wound. The noise has become numbing, and all I hear are footsteps and see hands flail in front of my face. I spin almost motionless as if my head is the only thing moving, yet I am unable to focus on any object. Suddenly the noise returns, and I am no longer spinning. I see the rush of news media approaching in hopes of capturing the best photo or quote of this enormous display of protest. Still I cannot figure out what is being protested. I turn in every direction looking for an explanation for this chaos, and all I receive in return is a shoulder or back turned to me. The riot is getting out of control now, and I see several policemen rushing towards the spectacle. With fear that I may get hurt, I decide to enter the building which stands before me. When the door behind me smacks shut with an echoing, darkness is all I can see. I call out to see if anyone is around, but it appears as though there is no one. The musty smell of this building enters my throat and causes me to gag. I quickly run through an open door in hopes of a change of atmosphere. The smell has changed but the room is still dark, except for a crack of light seeping in from an almost covered skylight above me. Shrieking cries of what I think are infants fill my ears, but after looking in every direction, I see nothing. My curiosity pushes me to explore more of this building; so I move forward and open the door into another room. The room is very well lit, and as I look around I feel as though I have been here before. With no signs as to what this building is, and with no one to ask, I am finding it difficult to recall why I know this place.